Monday, October 31, 2011

Bankers

There are pretty much loads of reasons for why one should really dislike Thomas Friedman most of the time. However, this is not one of them.
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/10/30/opinion/sunday/friedman-did-you-hear-the-one-about-the-bankers.html
For a good, other-view of the situation, I recommend this - http://dealbreaker.com/2011/10/federal-judge-wants-to-know-why-sec-is-only-charging-citi-15th-as-much-as-it-charged-goldman-for-ripping-off-cdo-investors/#more-57007 - but that's not the issue.

Where I do end up agreeing with Friedman is not in his gung-ho "I know what the OWS and Arab Spring protests have in common" attitude, but I like the fact that he's actually proposing fairly sensible changes. I probably only really agree with no's 1 and 4 on his little list, but it's high time that we start discussing actual plans for democracies to make sure that our institutions are stronger and our politicians less able to be fall for professional flattery, if not outright bribery. Now, I hate to say that this kind of thing should be regulated, for I still believe that the best way to get people to behave is for them to develop a sense of shame about the kinds of things that are not seen as acceptable behaviour. However, when things are this much fun to get into, the sense of shame becomes a nagging feeling rather than an actual impulse to stop doing what you know you shouldn't for some sense of morality which no-one really respects. It is like this with all things, really, and I think the greatest problem is that the 1%, or 10% or whatever the elites actually are, no longer see themselves as guardians of the state. They always say that it comes with money and great wealth passed down through generations, but I don't think that's a determinant: there are a lot of really horrible people who have great wealth passed down to them. It's about a sense of collective responsibility, and also a sense of knowing that you are a part of that elite, and that it's not something that should be treated lightly.

What deserves praise, then is the fact that we are wanting to talk about how to best govern and how we want to be best governed again. The fact that we're going to want to create a list of demands for our politicians shows that perhaps we'll be free of the messiahs and the caretakers that for too long have been the requirements for leaders*. No system of representative government will be made whole until people bring their lists, responsibly and intelligently drawn up, to every election.


* - as a side note - that's exactly what the 2012 election will be for me: the battle between the man that may have the silver bullet (Obama) if only he were unshackled, and the steward that will sail the ship safe back to port, and while weather-beaten, able to henceforth operate in the same seas as before (Romney). Unfortunately, Obama is a product of that same system and works too well within it as the supposed outlier, and I have no faith that Romney understands the sea changes that are taking place and I don't believe he has the personal force of personality to hold sway over the winds.

Monday, September 12, 2011

Dispositions

Reading over my last post, I realize that one of the biggest problems with trying to predict the future is the fact that it will be laced with excessive hope or excessive fear, depending on your disposition. And then also depending on your disposition, that fact makes you want to be active or despondent and lazy.
There's many differences between men, from the small and insignificant to the large and cardinal. One may feel sick from sitting on a train watching the scenery of that which he has passed, and the other may feel comforted by seeing it all from the perspective of contemplation rather than in agitated anticipation. In the same vein, those that feel a foreboding when they aren't sure of all possible outcomes, are also those that feel the future as a variable best narrowed. Or, alternately, there just isn't anywhere else to sit.
It's a common thing to think of travel when you think of the future and hence all our "put your hands behind the wheel" "take the reigns" "don't be a passenger" "stow away your knapsack for takeoff and landing" metaphors when thinking about taking control of your environs when thinking about the future. But then sometimes being a passenger can be really pleasant. Not because you like the feeling of not having control - as much as people like to profess otherwise, people do like things done their way, and are never too magnanimous not to hold silent grudges - rather because it's pleasant not to be involved in reality. The dark recesses of our minds are the perfect temporal space. Maybe that's our image in the fourth dimension, but then that's a different topic.
Regarding the topic then, it's strange to find your words printed on any page, because that makes them definite. And you admonish yourself for being too hopeful or too pessimistic, or not insightful enough. The worst offense though, is that you aren't as clear-minded as you are in that non-temporal recess of your mind.
And then you tell yourself to not think about it too much, that it'll all be alright. Or not. Depends on your disposition.


Thursday, September 08, 2011

New Conservatism, New Liberalism: First Principles, An Entangled Consensus

Through reading more and more about China recently and the way that someone like Leo Strauss is gaining popularity in that country, and it instantly makes me think of the tea party, but also of Europe. This again will be a long post about a very abstract idea, but it strikes me as particularly resonant in this day and age: we are entering a new war of ideologies, but this time, it will be about knowledge itself, not its application.

I've long been obsessed with the idea that Western democracy is somehow in decline and I believe that the main reason is the rise of the acceptance of ignorance especially then a kind of political ignorance. I've questioned that belief many times over the years, and a fair bit of nuance has found its way into it. I've usually classified political ignorance as one of these: One, that after a certain point become increasingly reluctant to study the complexity of other world-views. Two, since most people don't have formal training in political or philosophic thought and/or rhetoric, and hence, while in other areas of their lives they are able to reason their way out of situations, in politics they will be happy to respond to ideas that come from "the gut" and will be drawn to affirmations, in the same way that for example horoscopes colour people's hopes and fears. Third, I've had a belief that ignorance is not just the sum of all things unlearned, but especially ignorance stems from the rejection of all that seems superfluous to experience.

However, the more I grow up, I'm seeing that this is, for the large part, youthful disdain for the world order. People are by and large very curious (though they are obsessed with having others corroborate their beliefs), their own ideas are a lot more nuanced than they when reported by others, and the real culprit is not the lack of knowledge they accumulate, but rather it is confusion surrounding its correct use.

Out of this mess of good-natured inspection comes the form that represents it politically, and it is nothing that has to do with Left and Right any more.

I believe that whereas political systems in the 20th century was one of competing ideas in a world of greater political discourse, the 21st will be based around different type of political system - that of the idea-compiler. The differences between the two are not new - they highlight, for example, the split between religion and science in some ways - but not for reasons of rationality as one might suppose. They are the split between those that think that the world operates under fairly rational rules and those that think those rules are largely conjectures that must be properly thought-through and tested by a select few. This is the template the world over and the real difference is whether people have a belief in their "constitution" (the former case - whichever form it may take) or whether they trust more their wise men. The problem really becomes now, when people have enough evidence to make them distrust their sacred rules and even more their hallowed leaders.

This is in one sense seemingly a plain insight into basic human nature, but my point here is that it's no longer about Left and Right. Just because you are a doctor who's participated on research into a clinical trial and wants to recommend that the drugs be developed and taken into consideration for cases in which the patient will be treated by said drug, meaning the loss of expenditure on a bunch of near-miss options, does that make you a socialist? Or does that make you a special-interest-conservative? Both are true, really, no? Or take the case of the farmer who has come into a pact with his fellow farmers to sell their collective wares for a better price, rather than be pushed down by the big buyers - does that make you a collectivist, or a successful small-business owner who knows how to organise his cohorts? Is it left, or is it right? The fact is, the reluctance to see the whole story through an ideological prism is incredibly limiting, and any kind of intellectual straightjacket is bad for decision-making.

It sounds trite, but the world seems incredibly complex to some, whilst others prefer to see it in strikingly simple terms. Most questions can be answered with long circuitous answers or with a laconic flourish and yet be as profound as each other. The key then is to make sure that we don't get bogged down in dogma nor exercises in excessive data-hunts. It's a tough tightrope to walk, but I for one welcome the change from the left and rightism that dogs our thinking on any subject and is at best a frothy mix of the worst excesses of both.

What I mean to propose is that democracies no longer work on a system where we put our faith in parties to represent us, but that we put more faith in the people representing us. It is not difficult to find politicians who are able to argue both for the collectivist farmer and the special-interest doctor, without recourse to an ideology. We have examples, and a body of academic work on all of these topics to really assist in the decision making for each of these people, and what we should be looking for is not the ideological fit that we have with this or that representative, but both their mastery of that knowledge and their ability to represent our geography. Thereby our elected officials will have a more direct responsibility to their electorates, who can try and hold them more directly accountable. Before we do that, however, we have to try and break the bonds of party affiliation.




[I think I should include this little addendum of things I particularly have a problem with:
On the right, I am slightly annoyed by the renewed interest in people like Leo Strauss, Ayn Rand and the Republican forays into treating the US Constitution as some kind of sacred text (may I suggest reading about Solon or the "Athenian Constitution" as a much better guide?). On the left, I am increasingly annoyed by the Krugmanites and the neo-Keynesites, who tend to treat the lessons of the 80s as some historic aberration.
How this plays out - on the right, you have the people who spout supply-side nonsense about how lower taxes always yield greater economic growth, and on the left you have a belief in greater regulation coupled with greater borrowing as some kind of fix for growth. I realise that I am simplifying the two positions, but the arguments are very tendentious and they seem without nuance. Not once have I seen in any models presented by the likes of Wolf, DeLong or Krugman and their ilk, any word about what happens after their giant stimuli takes hold. There is almost an implicit suggestion that the world, once it has weathered the storm of the current recession, will somehow revert to an order whereby firms are not dependent on a government-subsidised economy, the gains of that growth will be accepted by the electorate to accommodate higher taxes and a greater co-ordination in the economy as to root out the deficient elements organically and rationally. That seems entirely implausible, but it also smacks of the kind of short term fixes that they enjoy pinning on the right.
On the right, however, I don't understand the positions either. The people who like to quote Friedman (less so now) and Hayek, also seem to discount that these people have already been successful in restoring some kind of balance to the economies of the Western world after the huge build-up of the post war years. The idea that those people are relevant now just isn't the case, because they unfortunately did not have coherent ideologies for a political union. The rightist idea that people with enough disposable income necessarily boost their own economy through increased entrepreneurial and investment activity is wrong not just by virtue of the experience of the past 30 years, but also it seems ludicrous in a globalised world with very relaxed rules of capital movement.
The problem for me is that these very loose ideas tend to be subsumed by leaders into their deliberations and the path that they choose to point toward is almost always influenced by this and the inherent short-termism. Take the example of the present Euro-crisis: you have Germany which thinks that their model of an economy focused on hard work and growth by making and supplying the world with superior products is workable for all countries. It is in political and economic union with Greece which has a completely different attitude to life values and also to growth. Now, Germany seems reluctant to let Greece go its merry way of default and expulsion from the monetary union because of the weight of obligation to a political union and the nervousness of its banks which are over-exposed to losses (and their knock-on losses from the other peripheral countries) which they are not willing to handle on their own (and because of the knock on effect on their country, economy and global financial stability, of course). Herein lies the short-termism of all the people involved - what the Dutch are actually suggesting today is something that should have been on the table two years ago (and before). I wouldn't want to go into the simplicity or complexity of a decision, but the problem is that the whole process is not about a discussion of a workable system, but rather it is a decision increasingly based around the idea that these decisions must be made understandable to the electorate, whether in conservative-corporatist Germany, or in anti-government-socialist Greece. Add this to the greater debate of how much austerity is necessary and how European economies should try and compete in this day and age, and I come back to the confusion of the voter I referred to at the beginning of this piece: by sticking to strict political platforms, leaders of the West stick to positions which have no side-leaning aspect inherent in them. And because their ability to adhere to their first principle-platforms are what the voters are apparently preparing to judge them on (they won't bother explaining the entangled principles to that electorate) in finding workable solutions, they will shy from considering the different approaches to the problem because they still have to seemingly their decisions to strict party-platform lines (there is a second part to this where I believe some short-term "Right" policies have an incredible "Left" effect in the long-run, but that's another story).
I don't think I am in any way qualified to propose a way out of the quagmire that Europe finds itself in. But I'll come out and say it anyway. In effect, I think the leaders of the main countries should come out with a road-map for Europe based around establishing a fairly transparent monetary cross-border policy between the states (how much flows from countries like Holland, Germany, to Italy etc., and what are Italy, etc's obligations as a result), but also a coherent economic policy (where are the best areas to focus on which products - is there a way Europe can encourage them to flourish there?) and a political union around acceptable axioms (there is a social contract between countries, no country is an autarky). And fairly strict rules that bind this all which result in fines and loss of financial authority if not adhered to. Then they should put the delinquent countries endangering this roadmap on a set probationary period and in the meantime ready a cross-European political and monetary taskforce which will act as their interim government if they are not able to get their houses in order (what makes me think that they will be any better at it - nothing, but it lends an air of respectability to the idea). And then elect a Roman emperor to rule over it all and buy him a fiddle... I guess I would agree with about half of that at least... 

Joking aside, the point is that I doubt that this is a problem that highlights for me the ineptitude of a strict party-platform-line in a democratic system to really be able to fully cope with the complexities of governing, but it is at the same time not an unfathomable concept to withstand considerations of what would be acceptable for all sides in an open forum. The way of government must therefore be to govern by an entangled consensus, based around private first principles of their leaders and not their parties.]

Thursday, August 25, 2011

Thank you, Steve Jobs

Like many people probably reading this blog (ok, I overestimate the popularity with the word "many" there) it feels like a bit of a milestone now that Steve Jobs is no longer the head honcho of Apple. I've read enough about how he will now be superceded, but is still going to work on some projects that require his attention - most notably (hopefully) taking the "hobby" of AppleTV into our living rooms. I wish him great success, and I really wish great success to Tim Cook, not just because he is about to become the most prominent gay man of public life, but because I think Apple's core philosophy is one that I largely agree with.

What struck me when I was reading through these weird eulogies for Steve Jobs who is, as far as I know, still with us in physical form, is how he, in this day and age of overstating what the internet and technology is doing to us, seems to be quite a conservative as regards the future of our symbiance with technology. From these quotes it seems pretty obvious to me that he really sees technology as a tool to boost productivity but not by making people adopt it so that they can change what they are doing, but so that it becomes part of their lifestyle. In this way, the strategy is so insidious as to actually be something that I make a part of my being in the end - I now carry my iPhone around (as I did with my iPod) and it has made me more aware of the world on a more constant basis. It first started with music, but now it spreads to politics, culture, art, business, but also other people.

I guess all this has more to do with the Internet than with Apple as such, but the Apple ethos under Steve was never to really depress any of these things - in fact, for me, they've been enabled to flourish, and I feel more atune to them because of their presentation. I could watch films, read books, articles, browse products I might want to buy, explore places I'd never been to, etc. all on my computer and devices on a computer - however, because my iPhone/iPad/Mac works so well and offers me such great apps and looks so damn good to look at, it means that I do it a lot more than I otherwise would spend on them. Why? Simple, I enjoy them. They make information fun in a way that it is not entirely in its raw state. (Ok at this point, I should probably say that there is a larger debate here that I don't particularly want to get into about the effect of the consumption of culture through these devices - but suffice to say, I am reading a hell of a lot more books on my iPad than I ever was in print form, so my personal affection comes also from this fact)

In this, I think comes Steve's genius - I value Apple's products not because they are nice to look at, and not because I particularly want to patronise his company above all others, but because i somehow feel that the service he gives me with them makes my life somehow more worthwhile. The reason is precisely because they are beautiful, intuitive to interact with, don't try and make me completely change my mode of working so that I can understand how they work... and in this way, I find that this is the way I want my technology to work. Of course, in the future, when our children are hopefully doing Ruby as a Foreign Language in schools and JavaScript has become a necessary part of the curriculum (or even better - their maths GCSE would consist of constructing their own programming code!), then the kind of closed system of Apple won't have a place in the world, but before then, I just prefer to go with the Steve Jobs route personally. I want to go about my life, or more, my extended existence of the physical world and the virtual, in a way that doesn't hinder my enjoyment of it.

For the moment, I feel that Steve Jobs gave me that, and I feel the team at Apple want to give me that. Until somebody comes along and makes something more intuitive and pleasant, I will continue to pay that premium, because I don't see it as a premium on the product - it's a premium on the life I want to lead, and a premium on the ease with which I live it.

And for that all, I thank you Steve, and wish you luck, Tim.


Monday, August 15, 2011

Last thoughts on the riots


I came across Charlie Brooker's comments (here) on the riots today amongst the great wealth of articles on the topic. It starts off brightly enough, but I find it just glib by the end. Unfortunately, that's been the media response especially on the left - "they're just a bunch of idiots - nothing to look at here" with some nuance and talk about cuts and fabrics in between. On the right, it's been a lot worse, first with the "CANNONS!" and then with the Starkeys.

I guess I could go into a whole diatribe at this point about how the fact that every talking head has to comment on these things, and how everyone in the media has to dissect (yes, Charlie Brooker, you may think you're just skirting the issue in search of a non-pontificating plateau - a plateau all the same I may add - but you're doing just that, albeit with some humour/facetiousness/glib sarcasm)... but I won't. I think it's actually a good thing to do a little bit of soul-searching.

The problem to me is that all these comments are superficially seeking the middle ground between the right and the left, but the effect is still to divide: I'm not saying there is a middle way, but the truth is, I think both sides have it right to an extent. Perhaps this is an outbreak of multiculturalism gone wrong and welfarism turned on its head; perhaps it's hopelessness through social exclusion and not enough of a grand embracing society. But again, these things can be completely applied to all walks of life, and even to Western culture if someone really is going to be broad enough.

Now, I don't want to be like the sometimes-execrable Thomas Friedman (though not completely in this column), but this all does lead me down the path of thinking that the West is in decline. Not for our economic power, though that is stagnating happily enough, but perhaps the times when we could rip off the developing world for their resources and our own populations for their labour, really are gone, and we can't afford any more to predicate societies on the supposition of growth and excess (I'll write more about this in a future blog post hopefully). I would hope that the idea of Western solidarity will win the day, though the idea of interconnected societies and communities seem so far removed from everyday thinking now that I'm not sure that we can get there. 

But then again, was it ever there? Did the European nobility not feel more at ease with their foreign counterparts than with their own farmers? Did this notion of late-19th/early 20th Century of enlightened national democracy really ever exist outside those times? I mean, even the gradual stepping stones toward ever-closer unions in the world means that we all feel closer to one another, worker by worker, banker by banker, merchant by merchant, but over still over borders - though maybe not within society. Now, you could chalk this all up to the fact that it's impossible, but in this day and age of a wealth of information, you will get less ivory-tower knowledge only accessible to the few and therefore you will get some semblance of possible equality.

The great difference between all of the different strands of society that this will throw up is that you might (in the west at least) get a situation where you there will be those that are interested in bettering themselves and those that are not. That will be the only distinction. There will be those that will feel connected to the world and all of its learning and experience and material possibilities, and there will be those that can only see past their own noses. Perhaps this is my conclusion from the riots - the real tragedy is that they could only go and grab that what was right in front of them everyday. They had almost no concept of the fact in the inoppressive state we live in, with enough violence and ambition, they could go and grab John Lobb shoes in St. James' instead of a pair of Nike's they might have to throw away in 6 months; they could go to a great restaurant and make the proprietors cook up great food for them (ok, not the Ledbury), rather than stuff their faces with Haribo from their local shops; they could rob a gallery and try and sell the art to private collectors who are themselves not interested in their provenance; they could even go to parliament and attempt to get something changed with a protest, or a violent coup rather than go up against the local beat. The fact that they stayed within their own borders and communities means that the old adage of the happy ignorant man holds true, even to destruction. Nothing from their loot will have the quality that they could enjoy, because they remain ignorant of its value and of the more valuable they could go after in its stead.

I will probably retract and modify the conclusions in some way, because I fear that I'm being too disparaging to the wonders of mass production, amongst other things. And, to anticipate, this isn't about snobbery and the wonders of the "finer things in life", but about having lasting experiences with things that require you to have knowledge of how they come into this world. If your entire experience of the world is the local representation of that process, then that is self-inflicted ignorance and no amount of violence will remove that passivity of their own thought-process.

Wednesday, August 10, 2011

Riot links

London riots

Haven't really been compelled to write anything in a while, but the riots in London have given me pause to think about what's going on.

I think the points have been made that the riots are really an expression of disenchantment manifested through material gain, which is of course the wrong action to take. However, all day, while wanting to castigate the perpetrators of the actions more and more for destroying my beloved London and in meaningless carnage, I've wanted to find ways to think of why they're somehow justified. It leads me to think that the problem is really societal - in the same way that a trader is rewarded for finding a dumb client to take his worthless stocks and CDS off his books; the same way that a real estate developer will develop a building by cutting corners that means he's only building a house for the next 20 and not 100 years; in the same way that an actor will get his agent to negotiate a fee on a film which means that the supporting cast will be of a lesser calibre... it's all a product of a culture of our civilisation in which individual rapaciousness is somehow justifiable by the company that person keeps: I'm sure all of the above examples could quote a bunch of friends/enemies/colleagues/shareholders/rival companies who would do the same thing flashes/blinks/flaps in unthinking/automatic logic. And it's this that justifies it. And then you get one or two who do corroborate that kind of cynicism, and it makes it ok. In a sense, this is what true competition is, and thus, meritocrats find that kind of thinking appealing, because only with true competition do you get growth.

I beg to differ.

The problem for me is that this kind of thing was never intended as good capitalism, and it's not justifiable for a democratic society. It bands together all things that were always seen as evil - avarice, envy, covetousness, etc. because those are always the momentary impulses that we all have to suppress if we really want to not just think of others, but think of for ourselves in the long run. But when you glorify the institute of short term gains and you put it under the heading of decision-making, then you really do get a society which becomes very self-interested.

I don't mean to conflate too many things together, but I really think that unless we start looking to an ethos where people are rewarded for more for long-term projects, which have to win out over periods of time, then there will be no great social effect. Short-termism destroys more potential than it unlocks, and in the case of the riots, it shows how much passing opportunism is a terrible thing to try and base a measure of success on.

Just to make it clear, I'm not saying that this is the typical mode of people that work in professions as I quoted, and that's also not to discount all of the people on the street as opportunists (some are legitimate protesters, others are just common idiots), but what I mean is that as a society, we haven't really explained it to ourselves the kind of fallacy behind that sort of thinking. It is not taught in our schools (where short-termism has won the war over longform expression in any case), it's not carried by our media (which is increasingly interested in the sounbite narrative of adversarial contests), it's not espoused by any kinds of leaders (where we hail those primarily who came from nothing to great power) and least of all it doesn't find it's expression in art (where the succinct expression of a simple idea, beat, joke, point is the pinnacle of artistic endeavour). With odds like these, and no possibility of weaving everything together to form a rational context, no wonder nihilism seems like a pretty viable way out.

Wednesday, July 13, 2011

Sunday, March 13, 2011

Tuesday, February 22, 2011

Song 23


Just saw this. From the best band around.